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22.11.08

Change Cows Can Believe In

I've been fairly lukewarm about most of Obama's cabinet picks so far, but I'd be quite happy if he picks Raul Grijalva for Interior.

Speaking of things that upset the beef industry, file this one under "I wish the things my opponents feared were true":

Ranchers should also fear an increasingly powerful animal rights lobby, Groseta said. Well-financed, these activists' primary mission is to destroy the country's cattle industry, he claimed.

"They want to take cattle off the land and beef off the plate," he said. "These folks are for real. They want to put us out of business."

Groseta extolled his fellow ranchers to join their local and national cattle associations. He said fewer than 10 percent of ranchers belong to such organizations, leaving them far outgunned on the financial front by groups like the National Humane Society.

21.11.08

Thoughts on Napolitano for Homeland Security

Rumor has it that Arizona Gov. Janet Napolitano is Barack Obama's top pick to head the Department of Homeland Security. I've been generally opposed to Napolitano taking a position in the Obama administration ever since her endorsement of him started the VP speculation -- not because she wouldn't do a decent job, but because we need her here. If Napolitano leaves, GOP Secretary of State Jan Brewer takes over. While Napolitano's no super-progressive, her veto pen has been the only thing standing in the way of domination of the state by the super right-wing. And she only became more important after the election, when the GOP picked up Legislature seats. Further, she's term-limited in 2010, just when John McCain is up for reelection -- and several polls have shown she'd have a good shot at beating him.

I've been somewhat swayed by a line of argument that says Napolitano needs to quit while she's ahead. The Arizona budget has been ugly this past year, and will only get uglier in 2009, due to cratering tax revenues as a result of the economic crisis. There won't be a solution that makes anyone happy -- so whoever is responsible will be likely to find their political career at an end. Maybe, then, we're better off dumping this mess in the GOP's lap and hoping the Democrats can pick up the pieces in 2011.

But thinking more this morning, I actually sort of hope Napolitano gives up her Senate ambitions if she takes the DHS job. She has a decently centrist view of immigration, so there's likely to be some improvements with her at the helm. However, she has to know that if she runs for Senate, the GOP will deluge voters with ads claiming she supports amnesty. Fear of such ads, then, would be likely to make her take a harder line on immigration policy at DHS to prove her toughness. On the other hand, if Napolitano doesn't run, what Democrat would have any shot at the Senate? (For now I will fantasize about Senator Grijalva.)

16.11.08

Poor People Get Burned

Renee from Womanist Musings has written a piece that explores the different vulnerability of the rich versus the poor (and the white versus the black) to natural disasters. She discusses the material costs and consequences -- being poor makes it harder to avoid harm from the disaster, and the disaster perpetuates the material poverty. But she also makes reference to the costs and consequences in terms of status and dignity -- for example, the way the label "looters" was placed on Katrina survivors and contributes to ongoing assumptions about the nature and causes of inequality. This latter aspect is something that academic disaster researchers have not given as much attention as it deserves. Disasters don't just expose, reconstruct, and reinforce material structures of society -- they also become sites for reconstructing the narratives we tell about how our society works.

My concern with her article is the conceit around which the rich-poor contrast is framed -- she writes of the current southern California fires as the rich people's disaster and Hurricane Katrina as the poor people's disaster. Framing wildfire as a disaster that mostly affects rich white people is hardly unique to Renee -- but it is inaccurate, and tends to erase the fate of poor people and people of color in the urban-wildland interface.

The urban-wildland interface -- the landscape of housing close to forests where our most disastrous wildfires take place -- is home to the very rich and the very poor. The current fires are threatening Oprah's neighborhood. But they also destroyed 500 mobile homes. The TV and movie stars get attention, because they're already plugged into the networks by which their fates are taken seriously by the society at large. But what happens to those mobile home dwellers, who don't even own a piece of land to rebuild on and many if not most of whom have no insurance? The vulnerability issues that Renee raises with respect to Katrina victims apply in the WUI as well (see, for example, this paper by Niemi and Lee).

Framing wildfire as a rich person's problem makes it easy to cast blame (though Renee does not take this direction). One significant discourse that circles around the wildfire issue is personal responsibility. Those morons shouldn't build their houses so close to the trees! We need to make the full cost of their actions apparent to them, for example through differential insurance rates, and then leave them to their fate (Roger Kennedy's recent Wildfire and Americans is a good book-length and more sophisticated treatment of this perspective). As Renee notes with respect to poor and black New Orleanians, such assumptions about personal responsibility require you to assume a certain level of wealth and privilege that may not be applicable. Oprah had her pick of the places in the country to live and the types of houses to live in, but what about, say, a single mother priced out of living downtown and now burdened with the extra cost of a car to commute to her minimum wage job (or less, if she's undocumented), and without the resources to invest in moving up the social ladder out of her current vulnerable situation?

What this brings us back to is that we need to see vulnerability to disasters as a problem of social organization, not just of individual behavior. A full political ecology of WUI fire vulnerability is beyond the scope of a blog post like this, but it would incorporate factors like local government subsidies to development, housing policies that affect low-income people and mobile homes, car-centric development, the decline of traditional rural livelihoods, lack of feasible opportunities in cities, and the inability of certain populations to access emergency services and aid, plus historical and ongoing land management and climate impacts -- and their deeper causes in contemporary governance, capitalism, and race relations.

Feed Sheriff Joe moldy bologna for a billion years

Over at War or Car?, Neil Sinhababu has posted my calculation that we could feed Sheriff Joe moldy bologna for a billion years for the price of the Iraq war. I should note that, while as a vegetarian I would not ordinarily support purchasing bologna, since we'd be feeding him moldy bologna, we could buy expired packages that would just have been thrown out anyway.