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2003-2004 excavation at the Danielson site, Worcester MA. Yuccacentric
wockerjabby
Changed Priorities Ahead
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4.12.04
I can understand the modernist viewpoint that underlies defense of the waiting list system. It's hard to argue that certain people deserve an organ more than others, and to the extent that they do (e.g. if they lost their liver due to irresponsible drinking), that desert doesn't align with differences in ability to locate a willing donor. The solution, then, is to create a universal and formally fair system to allocate organs. If people are less willing to donate to the waiting list than to a particular person they have some connection to, that's just a sign of moral weakness -- after all, saving a life is saving a life -- and a price we must be willing to pay to make the system fairer. But allowing donations by family and close friends undermines the modernist argument. It seems bizarre that one would be allowed to donate a kidney to a stranger or to a parent, but not to an acquaintance. It may perhaps be justifiable as a compromise, since people affected by severe illness are notoriously unwilling to accept the dictates of a system that is unable to validate and respond to their personal anguish. But there's a real philosophical inconsistency. The inequality argument raises some issues as well. In our current health care system, there are countless advantages that the rich can get. But economic inequality is not the only form of equality that's relevant to health care. Social inequality -- differences in the amount, breadth, and strength of one's social network -- can be critical as well. Social connections can facilitate finding treatment, as in the case of getting a friend to donate a kidney. They also provide emotional support to people dealing with illness or recovery. I would suspect that there are real benefits to both parties when the donor and recipient know each other and can share the experience, rather than simply interacting individually with a bureaucracy. As it happens, economic inequality is relatively easy to deal with (at least from a technical standpoint). The government can give poor people vouchers for donation websites, or even set up its own free organdonation.gov. Social inequality is more difficult, because you can't give someone welfare friendships. However, the internet offers the promise of leveling the playing field somewhat. My own anecdotal experiece suggests that people who would otherwise have the thinnest social networks -- introverts, members of geographically dispersed subcultures, those who are stuck at home -- benefit disproportionately from the social networking that the internet makes possible. Stentor Danielson, 10:21, , 2.12.04 Posting like a maniac today. I don't have time to comment on this now, but I thought I'd throw it out there since I wrote about this case when it was first filed:
Stentor Danielson, 18:37, , Here we go with my last contributions to the Scarlet for the semester. I thought I might be going a little over the top in my previous post about abstinence-only education when I described its take on gender roles as "feudal" -- after all, the stereotype they're promoting is all too common even today. But reading through the whole report (pdf) (via TAPPED), I see that I wasn't too far off the mark. At least one abstinence curriculum appears to endorse the idea that women are the property of their fathers and husbands:
Stentor Danielson, 15:40, , I don't know if it's just that I'm especially irritable today, but I seem to be running into a disproportionate number of things that make me feel angry (rather than just recognizing intellectually that they're outrageous). The post below is one example, although I tried to intellectualize it. Here's a few more:
Stentor Danielson, 11:42, ,
More evidence for why Henry Waxman is my hero. The misinformation about disease and contraceptive failure rates isn't surprising. The ideology of abstinence-only sees premarital sex as a bad thing in and of itself. Concerns about pregnancy and disease are just tools to appeal to the self-interest of people who won't sign onto their moral code. If those purely self-interested reasons aren't sufficient to motivate people -- which, given the advances in contraceptive technology, they usually aren't -- then exaggeration is a logical step. This is why, instead of trying to justify their misinformation, the abstinence-only advocates always retreat to the slippery slope argument that presenting a less alarming picture of safe sex would lead to kids having sex. What is surprising is contained in the last paragraph -- such outright teaching of conservative gender roles (literally feudal, in this case, since we've got a knight marrying one of his obsequious serfs rather than the uppity woman who outranks him). I tend to be a bit skeptical of those who see all conservative sexual opinions as part of a deliberate patriarchy promotion agenda, but sometimes it hits you over the head. Stentor Danielson, 11:10, , 1.12.04
Maybe I won't be able to go to Australia after all. Nick Confessore wonders whether this is just a bit of belt-tightening or whether it's rooted in the GOP's distaste for science. I suspect a little of both. Cutting the NSF budget by a few million dollars doesn't seem like a very productive battle in the war against science, so it doesn't seem like a policy that would be pursued on its own merits. But if you're looking to cut money somewhere, it's no surprise that creationists and climate change skeptics would not place high priority on making sure the NSF is flush with cash. Confessore also speculates that, if the Democrats are able to get their act together, the various outrages contained in the spending bill would provide good fodder for discrediting the Republicans. In general, I would agree. But it's hard to see how the case of the NSF would contribute much to that rhetorical strategy. Shaving a few million dollars from an agency most Americans have never heard of isn't really going to make the public's blood boil. It would be more likely to reinforce the Al Gore image of Democrats as elite, cold wonkish types. Stentor Danielson, 09:26, , 30.11.04
I've seen an interesting philosophical point come up twice recently with respect to two very different issues. The basic problem is this: if you do something that leads someone else to have a foreseeable reaction, and that reaction leaves you worse off with respect to your original goal, was your original action the wrong choice? Those who say "no" I'll refer to as "purists." They argue that one should be true to one's ideals. To calculate the likely success of an action is to compromise one's ideals. And if there's a backlash, it's entirely the fault of the backlasher, and thus has no bearing on the rightness of the original choice*. Those who answer "yes" are "consequentialists." They say that the only thing that matters in choosing a course of action is what the outcomes will be. If there's a backlash, you should have known better. Note that this does not absolve the backlashers of responsibility -- blame is not a zero-sum game. And indeed, because their choice was closer to the bad outcome, they would be more responsible than the backlash-provokers. 28.11.04
I think the author's desire to defend her allies has given her view of McCain a bit of a rosy hue. Certainly I support what McCain has and will do to get the US to take climate change seriously. But I don't think his tenacity on the issue weighs against the hypothesis that he's doing it as a political ploy. Certainly it's not the kind of plotical ploy we're most used to, the kind beautifully illustrated by both John Kerry and George Bush: the flip-flop. Flip-flops happen when a politician is reacting to the public and to the conventional wisdom, trying to get on the "right" side of an issue so that people will like him. McCain has rarely been one for that kind of maneuver. Rather, he plans for the long term. Tenacity can be itself a ploy, as McCain has a lot invested in his image as a straight-shooting maverick. Climate change works well for him, as it makes him distinctive and gives him opportunities to reach across the aisle. This wins him the adoration of liberals who forget the conservatism of his voting record on issues that are not his signature ones. And it makes the party work for his loyalty, out of fear of defection and desire for the PR of having him stand up in the end and endorse the GOP. Stentor Danielson, 19:25, ,
This is an interesting story, since it's the environmentalists who are defending the prerogatives of private property while their opponents are insisting on the continuance of an unofficial commons. At the risk of sounding Marxist, though, it's not all that strange. Those who own have a vested interest in the benefits that a private property system gives them, while those who merely use have a vested interest in extracting obligations from owners. I see this story as an indication of environmentalism's failure. The people of rural Maine are the perfect place to begin expanding environmentalism's base, undoing the perception (and all too often reality) of environmentalism as an elitist movement. To judge from the presidential election results, Mainers are already more liberal than the people in most rural areas. But they also share that conservative conservationist ethos, a respect for the aesthetic as well as livelihood-supporting functions of nature and a tradition of (quasi) common property based around hunting and fishing. The environmentalists could have approached the issue from a democratic perspective. They could have started off by trying to understand how the people of rural Maine manage their environment and what their values are. They could have found common ground, promoting a mixture of both groups' interests while working together against common enemies like the fickle timber industry (carefully distinguishing corporate higher-ups and the global market from local jobs). Instead, they plowed ahead with an a priori model of wilderness preservation, creating a backlash against outsider interference. Preserving the north woods doesn't have to come at the expense of Mainers' way of life, but they won't believe that unless they can be given some sort of "ownership" in the process and outcome. Stentor Danielson, 10:06, , |
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